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Life Colette Beaune makes this same argument for the medieval period, Naissance de la nation France Paris: Gallimard, , pp. Also quoted in the critical edition of this volume edited by Graham and Johnson, p. BN Ms Lat , fols. On French imperial rhetoric in the sixteenth century see Frances A. People on the move negotiated rooms with innkeepers, spoke with the blacksmiths who reshoed their horses, asked peasants for directions and struck up conversations with strangers they met during their voyages.
Travel guides printed during the early modern period warned travelers that French-speakers were few and far between in places like Brittany and the Pays basque. Inhabitants of early modern France were sometimes forced to improvise strategies to communicate with other people. One writer recorded the misadventures of a Parisian attempting to converse with the Occitan-speaking personnel in a Toulouse inn. Charles Estienne signals that Breton is spoken in Britanny and Occitan in the south in his frequently republished travel guide, La guide des chemins de France , pp.
For a general overview of the experience of travelers in the early modern period, which addresses the problem of linguistic difference, see Antoni Maczak, Travel in Early Modern Europe, trans. In more extreme examples, complete failure to communicate obliged people to test non-verbal modes of communication. During the siege of La Rochelle in , for example, the Catholic nobleman the Duke de Montmorency ordered his ship to board an unknown vessel, at which those in the other boat obeyed, and we saw men emerge, who by their dress and their manner appeared to be French, and who spoke a language that no one could understand: our pilot said that they were Bretons, who having been asked news concerning the fleet, communicated to us far more successful by their signs than their answers, that it was in the open sea.
A more efficient strategy was to enlist the services of an interpreter.
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The French king Louis XI needed an interpreter to translate a letter addressed to him in Occitan in Given that the ability to read and write Latin and French, the principal languages of official business and written record, was largely reserved for an elite, it was necessary for royal institutions and local elites to accommodate those who did not possess these skills. An entire class of literate notables familiar with the languages of learning and administration had to find ways to understand, and make themselves understood to, the local populations with whom they interacted.
Lawyers, judges and court scribes who kept records and deliberated in French, notaries who recorded marriage contracts in Latin or French, priests who read royal decrees written in French from their pulpits to non-francophone parishioners, all constantly improvised ways to interact with those who did not speak or read French and Latin. People in certain professions and social groups who had mastered multiple idioms, like lawyers, notaries and priests, executed essential social and cultural functions by insuring that exchanges between legal and religious institutions on the one hand, and commoners on the other, functioned smoothly.
These people played a crucial role in French society, bridging the gaps created by social and linguistic difference. Consider the difficulties created by the use of French as the language of record and deliberation in law courts in the Pays basque. For an overview of the history of the Basque language which discusses dialectical variation, see R.
Many notaries in Bordeaux, for example, were perfectly capable of drafting contracts and other documents in Latin, French, English, Flemish, Spanish, Portuguese, Catalan, and Occitan. Less polyglot colleagues had to call upon interpreters. These offices were sufficiently prestigious and lucrative that merchants, municipal See for example the notarial contract concluded between a day laborer and the local seigneur in the Limousin in , recorded in French, but read back to the contractant in Oc, in Louis Guibert, et al.
Ducourtieux and Alphonse Picard, , pp. On Bordeaux notarial practice concerning merchants and sailors, see Bernard, Navires, vol. A Montpellier priest recorded that the northerner Charles de Schomberg, the governor of Languedoc early in the seventeenth century, learned languages with great facility and spoke well five or six,.
In order to produce such an interpreter for these French and German merchants, a young man from the town of Fontenay, who had traveled much, and it is possible that he had been to Germany, and he learned this language. Compare with a similar laudatory description of a governor in the more complex political and linguistic situation of Avignon and the Comtat Venaissin. As mediators between Heaven and Earth, Church hierarchy and laity, writing and orality, Latin and vernacular, sacraments and Christians, parish clergy were expected to be well-versed in local idioms as well as Latin.
Pope Gregory XI made this a general rule throughout the western church, declaring in that any priest who could not speak and understand the language of his parishioners would be stripped of his benefice—an injunction subsequently reiterated by Benedict XIII, Eugene IV and Nicolas V. Language competence was therefore a factor in deciding clerical appointments. Venard provides no citation here. Linguistic Diversity in Old and New France 21 parish clergy in the medieval period and through the sixteenth century served in or very near the region from which they originated, most priests preached and tended to their flocks in their mother tongues.
The Huguenot and Catholic competition for souls intensified the need to teach the true faith clearly and effectively, and both churches encouraged their clergy to minister to their flocks in local tongues. In the Toulouse diocese in , for example, only 29 tonsured priests out of the whose diocese of origin can be determined originated from another diocese. For Britanny, see Croix, La Bretagne, vol. The Papacy granted one such dispensation for a priest to take up a Breton-speaking parish near Dinan in , Archives Vatican, Reg.
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Chares De Mountchal Archebesque. Dastros, Caperan de S. Cla de Loumaigno. We do everything for all in order to win them for Jesus Christ, and in order that there be no one who cannot hear Us speak in their language from this little book [the catechism] which will serve us for their instruction, God not having wanted that we might have the consolation to be able to teach out loud a portion of our diocesans whose languages is barbarous [meaning unkown] to us, and to whom ours is perhaps as well, and who without this assistance could not respond Amen [.
Catholic clergy paid particular attention to the linguistic aspect of the missionary enterprise. Many priests on mission found themselves working in regions whose local language they did not know, and they needed to systematically learn them.
Les fonds souverains : des acteurs clés dans la nouvelle géographie des richesses
In order to help missionary priests whose Occitan was a little shaky, one southwestern priest published a Tableau of the Life of the Perfect Christian which contained prayers, devotional texts, hymns complete with music and catechism materials in Occitan—complete with a short Occitan- Catechismou, Ha Lechiou All Gant An Christenien.
Colomiez, , p. Bertrand, ed. Claude Duret devoted an entire section of his encyclopedic treatise on language to the merits of those who could mediate multiple idioms in which he showered noteworthy interpreters with praise. The author of a travel account in the Ottoman Empire published in prefaced his work with a celebration of interpreters: According to some, one of the principal and most necessary organs for travel abroad is the ability to communicate in languages, bringing together people from diverse regions in friendship and affiliation, who otherwise would be enemies or at the very least outwardly hostile and suspicious of each other, just as the brutish and savage beasts are who lack the commerce of languages and words.
Jacques Boudo, Linguistic Plurality in New France The French who set out for the Americas in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, then, came from a polyglot world and could draw a rich panoply of cultural practices for accommodating linguistic difference. Although the French who traveled to the Americas as part of the French settlement projects—the short-lived Protestant settlements in Brazil , Florida and the Carolinas , and the more successful royal colony carved out from the St.
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Laurence river basin and Acadia which was declared to be New France—did not all share common objectives, no one could avoid contact with Amerindians and the necessity to mediate linguistic difference altogether. The travel accounts, reports and histories produced by missionaries, explorers and scholars, from which modern historians have been able to reconstruct the bulk of what we know about French and Amerindian cultural exchange, pay careful attention to linguistic difference, and demonstrate that their authors were intensely interested in the question of language in the Americas.
In the remainder of this paper I will focus attention on sources that discuss New France and the Huguenot settlement in Brazil. These texts can be used to reconstruct French attitudes towards Amerindian languages, the strategies they thought were best adapted to mediating linguistic difference in this new context, and the ways in which this experience modified their own conceptions of linguistic plurality. Linguistic Diversity in Old and New France 25 French explorers, royal officials, settlers, fur traders and missionaries encountered Amerindians who spoke a range of tongues.
The French rapidly become aware of these linguistic differences among Amerindians. Driver, Indians of North America, 2nd ed. Trigger and Wilcomb E. Washburn, eds. New York: Plenum, I, North America, Part I, pp. Trigger and William R. I, North America, part 1, pp. See for example chap. Even within a single province there are different languages, no more and no less than in Gaul [France] Flemish, Breton, Gascon, [and] Basque are not compatible.
The languages themselves change [over time], in the same way that we observe here that we know longer possess that language of the ancient Gauls, nor that which was in use at the time of Charlemagne at the very least it has been very modified , the Italians no longer speak Latin, nor the Greeks ancient Greek,. Lescarbot, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France , book 4, chap. Reuben Gold Thwaites, 2 vols.
New York, , vol. Dom Albert Jamet, 3 vols. Barbaric, A language which has no connection with our own, or is rough, and shocks our ear. The Iroquois speak a very barbaric language. In the chapter he devoted to the language of New France in his History of New France, Lescarbot catalogued resemblances between Old and New World idioms— remarking that Iroquois, Hebrew, Greek, and Latin apparently shared certain words, and that Iroquois and Greek pronunciation were quite close. With regards to the cases, they have them all or replace them with very tidy particles. As for verbs, the most remarkable aspect of their language is.
What did the French make of Amerindian idioms qualitatively? Les Yroquois parlent une langue fort barbare. Lescarbot, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France , chap. Quant aux verbes, ce qui est de plus remarquable en leur langue est. Linguistic Diversity in Old and New France 29 American languages were incapable of expressing sophisticated theological or philosophical concepts.
French humanists honored the most prestigious idioms in France—Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, and increasingly French—in precisely the same terms. For European philologists Latin derived its excellence from its regular grammatical rules, and copia—the capacity of a language to express particular concepts in a multiplicity of ways—represented an admirable quality in an idiom.
On the question of the grammatical order, or ratio, of languages, see Demonet, Les Voix du signe, pp. Donald B. King Milwaukee: Marquette University Press, , ch. For a discussion of copia in language, see Cave, The Cornucopian Text, esp. Lescarbot prefaced his discussion of the cultures and languages of the peoples of New France with a paean to linguistic and cultural diversity: God All-Mighty at the creation of this World found diversity so pleasing, that, whether in the sky, on the earth, or under it, or within the waters, in all places is reflected the effects of his power and his glory.
But it is a marvel that surpasses all others, that within one kind of creature, I mean to say within Man, is found many more varieties than in the other created things. Because if we consider faces, there cannot be found two that resemble each other exactly. If we consider voices, it is the same thing: even speech, all nations have their own specific and particular language, by which each is distinguished from the other.
And in customs and ways of living there is a marvelous variation. Which we see with our own eyes in our locality, without needing to take the trouble to traverse the seas to experience it. Thus because it is a trifling to know that peoples are different from ourselves in mores and customs, if we do not know their particularities, trifling also to know only that which is near to us: thus it is a beautiful science to know the way of living of all the nations of the world, which is why Ulysses was considered to have seen and known much: it seemed necessary to me to devote myself to this subject in this sixth book, in what concerns the nations of which we have spoken [.
Not only did French settlers reproduce the linguistic culture of Old France within New France—keeping records in French, conversing in French or in the local languages of the regions from which they came, and hearing mass in Latin—Algonquian and Iroquois learned words and phrases of the idioms the French brought with them. I wrote a few words of it last year that I characterized as Savage words, believing them to be so.
For example, the word, Ania, which I have mentioned above, is an alien word, the Savages making use of it on every occasion in speaking to the French, and the French in speaking to the And they have frequented the aforementioned Basques for so long that the language of the coastal areas is half Basque.
I have found in it Caraconi, which means Bread; and today they say Caracona, which I judge to be a Basque word. Jesuit Relations, vol. Mediating Linguistic Difference in New France As soon as the French had made contact with Amerindians and had resolved to pursue their exploration of the interior and trade for furs with the inhabitants of New France, it became crucial to finds ways to overcome the linguistic barrier—that is, the French needed to train Iroquois- and Algonquian-French interpreters.
One of the earliest means to this end was to bring Amerindians to France for an extended period in order that they might learn French and serve as interpreters upon their return to North America. Such methods could be heavy- handed. Jacques Cartier, for example, kidnaped the sons of a local chief by force to winter in Saint-Malo—although Cartier ultimately convinced the chief to extend his blessing over the enterprise.
Europeans who escaped from Iroquois captivity often became particularly effective translators. See Richter, Ordeal of the Longhouse, p. Cartier, Second Relation, in Relations, chap. See Richter, Ordeal of the Longhouse, pp. On the kidnaping of Indians to train interpreters, see Trigger and Swagerty. A more profound knowledge of Amerindian languages, of course, demanded more extensive immersion. Frenchmen who spent long periods of time among Amerindians, whether they were fur traders, missionaries, or shipwrecked sailors, could acquire some degree of fluency.
Scholars, priests and travelers worked rapidly to develop tools to make it easier for those who followed to learn the local languages. Like the travel guides of Old France that offered a sampling of essential Basque or Breton phrases for the savvy traveler, travel accounts of the Americas almost always provided brief descriptions, lexicons, and even presentations of grammar of the local tongues. On the question of European missionaries and Amerindian languages, see Victor E.
It is only necessary to know the language. Priests settled in Amerindian communities and constantly sought out company in order to listen and practice their Algonquian or Iroquois as frequently as possible. Le Jeune turned to Pierre Pastedouchouan, who had been taken by the Recollect Fathers to France where he had been baptized and had learned French, for help in his linguistic studies: I begin to work incessantly.
Before knowing a language, it was necessary for me to make the books from which to learn it; and, although I do not hold them to be so correct, yet now, at the time when I am writing, when I compose anything I make myself understood very well by the Savages. It all lies in composing often, in learning a great many words, in acquiring their accent [. Le Jeune, for example, reports that he had begun to study Algonquian even before leaving France with the help of a dictionary which he later realized was full of errors.
I fear that we will often have to undertake such revisions, because every day we discover new secrets in this science, which prevents us from sending anything to be printed for the moment. It is in truth a very difficult task to seek to understand in every aspect a foreign language, very abundant and as different from our European languages as the sky is from the earth and this, without teacher and without books.
We are all working on this with fervor, it is one of our most frequen occupations. Priests who had achieved a certain level of competence in Indian tongues organized classes for newcomers. Father Brebeuf will teach them every day, evening and morning, the language of the Hurons. The Reverend Father Le Jeune, who was leaving the position of superior of the Missions, was appointed by the Reverend Father Vimont, who had succeeded him, to assist us spiritually and in the study of the language: which he did with very great charity, for which we will always be in his debt.
Certainly, French clergy did not spare their readers complaints about the intellectual hardships involved in mastering these idioms. I lovingly asked Our Lord, who helped me in such a fashion that in a short time I had a very great facility in it,. My study was a prayer which made sweet to me this language which was no longer barbarous to me. They have studied the Huron language thoroughly, and I have taken care that they should not be diverted from this work, which I believe to be of great importance.
Daniel et le P. Davost sont paisibles. Linguistic Intermediaries in New France Linguistic intermediaries like priests, notaries, and court clerks played essential roles in France, but their importance was greatly magnified in the New France context, where the linguistic gap between French and Amerindian was so wide. Amerindians who had traveled to France, Europeans who had spent time as Iroquois captives, rare French merchants who had acquired Indian languages, Jesuit missionaries who had lived within Indian communities and studied Iroquois and Algonquian, French coureurs de bois who had learned local tongues in the course of fur trading expeditions, and children of Amerindian and French parents who had been exposed to both languages were all heavily solicited.
Most royal officials like Samuel Champlain were entirely dependant on interpreters in order to maintain friendly relations with nearby Indian groups. Interpreters were often privileged informers for those seeking knowledge on all aspects of Amerindian life. Jesuits, particularly in the early phase of their acquisition of Amerindian languages, were often desperate to convince sometimes reluctant Indian interpreters to assist them in their studies. Frank Lestringant Paris: Chandeigne, , chap. Le Jeune, Relation , in Jesuit Relations, vol. The consequences of linguistic treachery could be significant, and might lead to a temporary misunderstanding, lost trade, a cooling of diplomatic relations, or worse.
Such incidents illustrated ways in which Indians could manipulate language in order to mount direct or indirect resistance to French control. French interpreters, too, were not always worthy of full confidence. Biggar, The Voyages of Jacques Cartier, p. Linguistic Diversity in Old and New France 39 example. The plot unmasked, its leader did not return to our country: he lives now among the Savages, he has debauched all the other Interpreters of this land, who count between twenty and twenty-five: who do and say all the worse things that they can, in order to surprise us and force us to return to France.
And because it came to pass that the Savages were afflicted with a pestilential fever since our arrival here, from which over eight hundred are dead, they [the rebellious interpreters] have persuaded them that it was Monsieur de Villegagnon who made them die [. First, inhabitants of early modern France conceived of French society as a fundamentally multilingual kingdom.
In their view, it was perfectly natural for multiple languages to coexist in the same geographical region. Indeed, political thinkers and royal propagandists incorporated the fact of linguistic diversity into their conceptions of the French political settlement. Second, the French drew from their own experience of linguistic plurality in France to make sense of the linguistic geography of New France, the fact that the Amerindian groups the French encountered in Brazil and around the Saint Lawrence spoke a variety of distinct languages.
And third, the French arrived in New France with a set of strategies to deal with linguistic difference and the need to communicate with Amerindians. Certainly, the languages that the French encountered in New France were themselves entirely unfamiliar— those who set out to learn them confronted utterly fresh lexicons, radically different syntactic forms, and novel verbal systems. And some of the measures adopted to master these new languages—notably the kidnaping of Amerindians to force them to acquire French—were far more extreme than ordinary linguistic practices in Europe.
But the idea of linguistic As far as French participants in the early-modern Atlantic world were concerned, Amerindian languages did not signal a revolution in their linguistic knowledge, but rather appeared to confirm a certain set of preconceptions concerning the relationship between language and human nature. It should be emphasized, however, that this embrace of linguistic diversity was specific to language. It was not part of a larger tolerance of all forms of diversity for its own sake.
Indeed many aspects of culture were excluded from this humanist celebration of plurality. Consider the entry ceremony organized by Bordeaux in to welcome Charles IX. As each of the twelve nations marched past the king, one member presented a speech in their own language or some approximation thereof, given that they were actors professing their loyalty to the French king, and their declarations were in turn translated into French by interpreters.
Linguistic Diversity in Old and New France 41 in their language: this diversity of language is very familiar to Bordeaux sailors. But at another level, the festival proclaimed a particular relationship between language and royal authority. This is precisely what the French settlers in the Sainte-Croix colony in Acadia did to welcome the Sieurs de Monts and de Poutrincourt back to the colony after a voyage west in the early seventeenth century. But New France offers its own gifts to the chancellor and to the king in return for these favors: The Muses of New France having passed from the other world to this one, present themselves today at your feet in the hope of receiving some welcome from you.
It aims to demonstrate the importance of environment and energy across multiple MDGs; share experiences as contribution to the MDG Review Summit; and to highlight some of the ways in which the UNDP is equipped to offer support. This brochure outlines the UNDP's work on biodiversity management through two Signature Programmes: 1 Unleashing the economic potential of Protected Area systems and 2 Mainstreaming biodiversity management objectives into economic sector activities. This report highlights key developments and recent trends for SIDS in a number of developmental areas.
The paper notes that the population in most SIDS will continue to age, due to decreasing fertility rates and longer life expectancy. In addition, urbanisation is widespread and increasing among the SIDS. However, SIDS contribute little to the problem of climate change, but greenhouse gas emissions are on the rise. On the other hand, SIDS economies have suffered long term consequences from natural disasters The Foresight project Global Food and Farming Futures final report and executive summary provide an overview of the evidence and discuss the challenges and choices for policy makers and others whose interests relate to all aspects of the global food system.
Biodiversity within inland water ecosystems in the Eastern Himalaya region is both highly diverse and of great regional importance to livelihoods and economies. However, development activities are not always compatible with the conservation of this diversity, and the ecosystem requirements of biodiversity are frequently not considered in the development planning process. One of the main reasons cited for inadequate representation of biodiversity is a lack of readily available information on the status and distribution of inland water taxa.
Impact of climatic change on alpine ecosystems: inference and prediction: in Journal of Alpine Research, Yoccoz Nigel G. Alpine ecosystems will be greatly impacted by climatic change, but other factors, such as land use and invasive species, are likely to play an important role too.
Climate can influence ecosystems at several levels. We describe some of them, stressing methodological approaches and available data. Climate can modify species phenology, such as flowering date of plants and hatching date in insects. It can also change directly population demography survival, reproduction, dispersal , and therefore species distribution.
Finally it can effect interactions among species —snow cover for example can af Convention on biological diversity : text and annex UNEP , The Biological Diversity Convention was ratified by Colombia and incorporated into national legislation through law number , The objectives of this convention are the conservation of biological diversity, the sustainable use of its components and the just and equitable participation of the benefits, which derive from the use of genetic resources.
Through, amongst other things, an adequate access to these resources and the appropriate transference of the relevant technologies, taking into account all the rights over these resources and these technologies, as well as through appropriate Convenio sobre la diversidad biologica Naciones Unidas , European Commission - Environment European Commission. UNEP , The purpose of this handbook is to provide a ready source of environmental information and trends for legislators, to foster effective appreciation and representation of environmental issues in parliament.
CTA , The new pact sets up an International Regime on Access and Benefit Sharing of Genetic Resources, laying down the basic ground rules on how nations cooperate in obtaining genetic resources. It includes resources as varied as animals, plants and fungi. The new policy seeks to take account of the interests of indigenous people in all FAO activities, and make good use of the wealth of knowledge they have to offer. This assessment is the first overview of the conservation status of northern African freshwater species belonging to five taxonomic groups—fish, molluscs, dragonflies and damselflies, freshwater crabs and aquatic plants—in accordance with the IUCN regional Red List guidelines.
Species at risk of regional extinction are mapped and conservation measures are proposed to reduce the probability of future declines.
The status and distribution of freshwater biodiversity in central Africa Allen D. This was criticized by the Hannover merchant Julius Melchior Strube in and in the present volume Graumann replies to this criticism. Much rarer than the author's earlier work. Humpert Masui p. First German edition of Grotius' great De jure belli ac pacis A second German edition, translated by Johann Niclas Serlin appeared in That edition was, contrary to the present, heavily annotated. The translator in his preface to the present translation however says that he preferred to translate the book unchanged, because the annotations and comments of other writers often obscure the work rather than clarify it.
Printing and the mind of man Merula de maribus. Batavorum [Leyden], ex officina Elzeviriana [B. Elzevier] Small 8vo 10,5 x 5,5 cm. With engraved title with a vessel. Some neat old underlinings in red pencil on first 20 pages. Good copy. Very fine copy. HODGSKIN, Thomas Travels in the North of Germany, describing the present state of the social and political institutions, the agriculture, manufactures, commerce, education, arts and manners in that country, particularly in the kingdom of Hannover.
Edinburgh, Archibald Constable XXVI,,; X,p. Attractively rebound to style in half calf, gilt backs with red and green label, marbled sides. A nice and fresh set. Uncut und largely unopened in contemp. Signed by the author on the verso of the title. A plea for a new colonial policy for the Dutch East Indies.
The author rejects the contract trade with native princes and argues for free trade with other nations. It appeared after the liquidation of the East India Company as a sequel to the author's Brieven aan eenen participant in de Oost-Indische compagnie of Gijsbert Karel was the younger brother of Dirk van Hogendorp, also well-known for his fight against the desastrous policy of the Company. He held conservative liberal ideas and is best known as part of the triumvirate that established a constitutional monarchy in the Netherlands in A notice below the imprint states the book was 'not for sale'.
Discours politiques. Amsterdam, J. With repeated vignette on titles. Near contemp. A Vevey, chez l'auteur Signed by the author at end of the preface. Sa philosophie. Son ideal. Paris, P. Stock Bound with another work by the author. Bookplate to front paste down.
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A comprehensive book on Japan by this Dutch professor of overseas history. The first part deals with Japanese institutions, history, sciences, industry, agriculture, clothing, education, manners and character.
In the second part the author treats the relations with the European nations: with the Portuguese from to , the English from to , and extensively with the Dutch from to The third part deals with the attempts to open Japan to foreign trade. In his preface Lauts claims that he, other than other writers on the subject, had been able to make use of the Dutch colonial archives and of oral information from the Dutch Ministry of Colonies and from the former head of Deshima J.
Cock Blomhoff. The important correspondence between Leibniz and Bernoulli, of great importance for the controversy over the priority of the invention of the calculus. Bernoulli had made thorough study of, and important contributions to infinitesimal calculus and sided with Leibniz in the controversy. It was a late answer to the Commercium Epistolicum , published already in by the Royal Society of London and 'thoroughly machined by Newton'.
Mild browning throughout. Old scribbling on blanks. Traduite de l'Anglois. Londres, chez A Moore A very nice copy. A summary of the state of the science in the beginning of the nineteenth century and as such the first English text book of classical economics. It arose from the lessons given by James Mill to his son John Stuart and is fully based upon Smithian and Ricardian theories with respect to the production and distribution of wealth and upon Malthusian theories of population.
Goldsmiths' Einaudi McCulloch p. Londres [Amsterdam, Marc Michel Rey] Early nineteenth-century half red calf, back richly gilt, marbled endpapers. Old owner's entry on titles. A fine copy. Pantaleoni's most important book, a classic of the Mathematical School 'which contributed to the introduction of marginalist ideas in Italian economic thought and which In this consists its importance A second edition appeared in and an English translation in New Palgrave III,p. Schumpeter p.